Reporting on his meeting with the recent US Congressional Delegation (CODEL), President David Granger asserted: “From the point of view of governance, we were able to explain that Guyana is a stable, well-governed state.” It was very unfortunate no other views were allowed to be presented, since the worrying trend towards autocratic governance that we noted in this space over a year ago has intensified.
At that time, the political and social “explanatory” site VOX conducted an analysis that was particularly interesting, since it held lessons for Guyana. It explained how an autocratic government may slip into harness in a democratic country without carrying out coups, with which regime change are usually associated. The authors insisted — showing evidence — that while coups are decreasing worldwide, what they called “democratic backsliding” — a slow descent toward partial autocracy — is on the rise.
How is this backsliding achieved? The article offers a pithy summary: “The most important reason the sudden collapse of democracy is rare… is that a sudden derogation of democracy simply isn’t necessary. Would-be autocrats have a cheaper option to hand, one that is far less likely to catalyse opposition and resistance: the slow, insidious curtailment of democratic institutions and traditions. Autocrats often target the three pillars of democratic society using tools permissible under law.
“To understand democratic backsliding, it’s important to understand the essential components of a democracy. First, there must be elections, which must be both free and fair. Elections by themselves are not enough: Both Russia and China, after all, have elections that formally reflect the choice of the people, but allow only limited choices.
“Second, democracy needs liberal rights of speech and association, so those with alternative views can challenge government on its policies, hold it accountable, and propose alternatives. Finally, democracy can’t work if the ruling party has the courts and bureaucracy firmly in its pocket. The rule of law — not just the rule of the powerful and influential — is essential. Take away one of these attributes and democracy might wobble. Sap all three and the meaningful possibility of democratic competition recedes from view.”
While the authors went on to apply the variables to the unfolding American scenario, it is instructive to apply those variables to our scenario in Guyana. Let us begin with elections. We know, to our cost, that not only can elections be rigged, but — as the PPP claimed in an election petition that is still to be decided on, (so we cannot comment further) — elections can also be surgically manipulated so the outcomes are prefigured. In Guyana, objective observers have pointed out that the staffing of GECOM lends itself to manipulation, because of our ethnically polarised electorate.
In his farewell speech, the previous GECOM Chair, who had held that position for over 15 years, admitted that he could not explain how some “fake Statements of Poll” found their way into the ballot boxes; yet, the President went ahead and unilaterally appointed his own new Chairman by bypassing the constitutionally agreed consensual mechanism that the person should be selected from an Opposition Leader’s list. The fears of GECOM partisanship were augmented recently by ministerial gerrymandering of constituency boundaries to favour the Government.
In terms of the “right to protest”, it will be very interesting to observe how the administration deals with the threat from their base in the GTU to protest their betrayal of promises to achieve the “good life” and clean governance. But more compelling is the evidence of the Government’s asserting control over the judiciary. The APNU/AFC Government has placed the Judiciary squarely in its sight, exemplified by the treatment of the previous Chancellor.
He was practically hounded from office, and the two vacancies were filled, with the mandated “meaningful consultations” with the Opposition Leader treated quite perfunctorily.
With the Bureaucracy, the Administration has appointed loyal, retired military officials in almost every Government agency; and, combined with the “contract” workers they once criticised but have now increased, the bureaucracy is firmly under their control.
The backsliding into PNC autocracy continues inexorably.
